{"id":1056,"date":"2019-07-17T11:15:22","date_gmt":"2019-07-17T15:15:22","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/ielrblog.com\/?p=1056"},"modified":"2019-07-17T11:15:22","modified_gmt":"2019-07-17T15:15:22","slug":"interpols-power-to-prevent-diffusion-abuse-legal-political-and-technological-considerations-in-response-to-dr-theodore-bromunds-interpols-lack-of-power-to-act-preemptively-in-fighting-gove","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ielrblog.com\/index.php\/2019\/07\/17\/interpols-power-to-prevent-diffusion-abuse-legal-political-and-technological-considerations-in-response-to-dr-theodore-bromunds-interpols-lack-of-power-to-act-preemptively-in-fighting-gove\/","title":{"rendered":"INTERPOL’s Power to Prevent Diffusion Abuse: Legal, Political and Technological Considerations (in response to Dr. Theodore Bromund’s ‘INTERPOL’s Lack of Power to Act Preemptively in Fighting Government Abuse of the Diffusion System’)"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Commission for the Control of INTERPOL\u2019s Files is an independent body with the exclusive power to adjudicate complaints from individuals seeking the deletion of information about them from INTERPOL’s files.[2]<\/a>\u00a0 In its 2017 annual report (its most recent) published this year, the Commission acknowledges that some governments have succeeded in disseminating diffusions against the same individuals whom the Commission has already found to be victims of their INTERPOL abuse, and INTERPOL lacks a comprehensive mechanism to stop the unlawful practice.[3]<\/a>\u00a0 Even before the Commission published its report, I had been calling upon INTERPOL to monitor and block all incoming red notices and diffusions to ensure that no such request entered its channels if it concerned an individual already found to be a victim of INTERPOL abuse from the same government.[4]<\/a>\u00a0 I have suggested that the organization should implement reliable software to conduct such monitoring.[5]<\/a>\u00a0 In his recent publication ‘INTERPOL CCF’s Latest Annual Report Highlights Fundamental Flaw in the System,’ Dr. Theodore Bromund disagrees with my suggestion and argues that INTERPOL cannot simply introduce a new technology to fix the problem.[6]<\/a>\u00a0 According to Dr. Bromund, stopping the unlawful practice \u201cwould require both changing the diffusion system at a technical level and making appropriate changes in INTERPOL’s Rules on the Processing of Data,\u201d which \u201cin turn would require a good deal of time and a vote in favor of the changes in INTERPOL’s one-nation, one-vote General Assembly — where it is far from clear that the nations wanting reform would be in the majority.\u201d[7]<\/a><\/p>\n

In my article \u2018INTERPOL\u2019s Power to Act Preemptively in Fighting Government Abuse,\u2019 I respond to Dr. Bromund’s argument by citing and quoting multiple INTERPOL rules that already unequivocally grant the organization the power, and indeed require it, to monitor all incoming diffusions and block the non-compliant ones before they enter its channels.[8]<\/a> \u00a0I, therefore, strongly disagree with Dr. Bromund\u2019s argument that changes in INTERPOL’s rules are needed for the organization to exercise that power.\u00a0 In response, Dr. Bromund has written another article ‘INTERPOL’s Lack of Power to Act Preemptively in Fighting Government Abuse of the Diffusion System.’[9]<\/a> \u00a0It is my understanding from this latter publication that Dr. Bromund agrees with my argument that under its rules, INTERPOL already has the power to monitor and block diffusions before they enter its channels, but at the same time argues that the organization cannot exercise that power, which he refers to as the \u201clegal power,\u201d because of \u201ctechnical and political\u201d barriers.[10]<\/a>\u00a0 In this regard, Dr. Bromund writes that while he accepts my legal analysis and conclusions as an \u201caccurate depiction of the legal position,\u201d he does not accept it as an \u201caccurate assessment of the technical reality.\u201d[11]<\/a>\u00a0 He argues that \u201cINTERPOL\u2019s lack of power to act preemptively in fighting government abuse of the diffusion system\u201d stands not on legal grounds but on the lack of INTERPOL\u2019s \u201ctechnical ability to do so.\u201d[12]<\/a>\u00a0 Dr. Bromund reasons that because the nature of diffusions is such that governments exchange them directly, bypassing any preliminary check from the General Secretariat, it is \u201cnot currently possible to make this legal position into a reality.\u201d[13]<\/a>\u00a0 He argues that to \u201callow INTERPOL to screen diffusions before transmission,\u201d a \u201cfundamental rewiring\u201d and \u201cfundamental reworking at a technical level of the diffusion system . . . would be necessary,\u201d which in turn would \u201crequire a vote in the General Assembly, which by adopting the RPD in 2012 has endorsed the diffusion system as it exists and works today.\u201d[14]<\/a>\u00a0 I disagree with this position.<\/p>\n

In his article \u2018INTERPOL’s Lack of Power to Act Preemptively in Fighting Government Abuse of the Diffusion System,\u2019 Dr. Bromund writes: \u201cMr. Nemets calls on INTERPOL to \u201cmonitor and block all incoming requests, including diffusions, to prevent governments from violating INTERPOL\u2019s rules . . . [b]ut he does not explain how this can be done, given the fact that INTERPOL cannot review diffusions \u2013 including all abusive diffusions \u2013 until after they have been sent and received.\u201d[15]<\/a>\u00a0 Dr. Bromund argues that \u201cINTERPOL can (and must) prevent abuse before it publishes a notice, precisely because it is the one doing the publishing . . . [b]ut in the context of diffusions, INTERPOL is responsible for preventing abuse, but it lacks the technical power to prevent governments from sending or receiving abusive diffusions.\u201d[16]<\/a>\u00a0 Dr. Bromund does not explain what he means by the \u201ctechnical power,\u201d\u00a0and how it is different from and can exist without the \u201clegal power,\u201d as Dr. Bromund calls it, to monitor and block all incoming non-compliant diffusions, the latter of which, it is my understanding, we both agree INTERPOL already has.<\/p>\n

Dr. Bromund seems to think that I suggest that prior to allowing a government to communicate a diffusion, the General Secretariat must first approve it following a compliance check akin to the one it carries out for notices.\u00a0 This is not what I suggest.\u00a0 Instead, I propose a simple filter, a software that would match every incoming diffusion with a database containing the names of individuals whose information the Commission or the General Secretariat have decided to delete due to a violation of INTERPOL\u2019s rules.\u00a0 It is true that such filter must be maintained by the General Secretariat, but so are all INTERPOL databases, mechanisms, and tools, including those that member countries already use to communicate diffusions, as I have already mentioned in my previous article.[17]<\/a>\u00a0 The diffusion would be blocked from reaching its intended recipients and rerouted to the General Secretariat for further screening only if the filter were to match an incoming diffusion with a name in the database.\u00a0 Such a mechanism cannot be seen as\u00a0\u201cakin to the notice system\u2019s hub and spoke model,\u201d as Dr. Bromund calls it,[18]<\/a> changing the nature of diffusions,[19]<\/a> requiring a \u201cfundamental rewiring\u201d or \u201cfundamental reworking on a technical level of the diffusion system,\u201d as Dr. Bromund argues,[20]<\/a> or encroaching on the member countries\u2019 right or ability to communicate diffusions directly.\u00a0 In this regard, I also want to reiterate what I have already stressed in my previous article \u2013 under INTERPOL’s rules, member countries\u2019 right to communicate diffusions directly does not trump INTERPOL\u2019s power to act preemptively to prevent abuse of its channels and screen and block incoming diffusions before they reach their intended recipients.[21]<\/a><\/p>\n

In support of his argument, Dr. Bromund also writes: \u201cINTERPOL only receives a diffusion after it has been transmitted and it receives the diffusion simultaneously with the NCBs (or international entities) to which it was sent.\u201d[22]<\/a>\u00a0 He argues that \u201cINTERPOL cannot review diffusions \u2014 including all abusive diffusions \u2014 until after they have been sent and received.\u201d[23]<\/a>\u00a0 From this, he concludes that the mechanism that I suggest should be implemented \u201ccould at best only detect the diffusion once it arrives at INTERPOL, and after it has already arrived at its other intended destinations.\u201d[24]<\/a>\u00a0 Whether this is presented as a legal argument or a description of a process from a purely technical standpoint, we must always remember that although governments exchange diffusions directly, the process, as I have already mentioned here and in my previous article, from its very beginning to its very end, is carried out via INTERPOL\u2019s channels and maintained by the General Secretariat, as is the process of publishing notices.[25]<\/a>\u00a0 To argue that INTERPOL cannot oversee any part of an operation, which is conducted through its channels, is to contradict the organization’s rules, which unequivocally require the opposite.\u00a0 Dr. Bromund\u2019s argument that INTERPOL does not detect diffusions until after they have already arrived at their intended destination may be an accurate depiction of how the General Secretariat chooses the process to work now, but it is not how it should be working under the INTERPOL rules.\u00a0 If the General Secretariat has indeed adopted the approach that Dr. Bromund describes, it must abandon it and start monitoring all incoming diffusions before they reach their final destination.<\/p>\n

Finally, as I have already mentioned here and in my previous article, INTERPOL’s rules already contain provisions that unequivocally grant the organization the power, and indeed require it, to screen and block diffusions before they enter its channels to prevent abuse.\u00a0 The rules also give the General Secretariat broad discretion over mechanisms and tools it can implement and use in order to exercise that power.[26]<\/a>\u00a0 Therefore, no changes to INTERPOL\u2019s rules are needed, and none of those rules requires INTERPOL to seek authorization from the General Assembly to exercise that power, even if we accepted Dr. Bromund\u2019s recommendation of \u201cfundamental rewiring\u201d and \u201cfundamental reworking at a technical level of the diffusions system.\u201d\u00a0 If any such changes or authorization were necessary, neither Dr. Bromund nor I would be justified in drawing the conclusion that INTERPOL has the power, or as Dr. Bromund refers to it the \u201clegal power,\u201d to screen and block incoming diffusions before they enter the organization’s channels, which, it is my understanding, both Dr. Bromund and I agree INTERPOL already has.<\/p>\n

_____<\/p>\n

Yuriy Nemets is the managing member at NEMETS, a law firm based in Washington, DC.\u00a0 Yuriy is an attorney with over fifteen years of experience in domestic and international litigation and arbitration, INTERPOL and international extradition defense, corporate, banking, transportation, international trade and investments, and intellectual property law.\u00a0 He has authored publications on INTERPOL and international extradition, corporate, banking, and intellectual property law.<\/em><\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Constitution of the ICPO-INTERPOL, art. 36, June 13, 1956, available at https:\/\/www.interpol.int\/Who-we-are\/Legal-framework\/Legal-documents; Statute of the Commission for the Control of INTERPOL\u2019s Files, art. 3(2)(C), available at https:\/\/www.interpol.int\/Who-we-are\/Legal-framework\/Legal-documents.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Activity Report of the Commission for the Control of INTERPOL\u2019s Files for 2017 \u00a7 57, available at https:\/\/www.interpol.int\/Who-we-are\/Commission-for-the-Control-of-INTERPOL-s-Files-CCF\/CCF-sessions-and-reports.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Yuriy Nemets, Bill Browder\u2019s Case Highlights Loopholes in Relief INTERPOL Grants Victims of Red Notice Abuse<\/em>, Red Notice Abuse Report (July 16, 2018), https:\/\/rednoticeabuse.com\/interpol-must-publicly-explain-why-russia-finally-succeeded-in-placing-bill-browder-on-the-international-wanted-list.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Ted Bromund, INTERPOL CCF\u2019s Latest Annual Report Highlights Fundamental Flaw in the System<\/em>, Forbes (Mar. 31, 2019), https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/tedbromund\/2019\/03\/31\/interpol-ccfs-latest-annual-report-highlights-fundamental-flaw-in-the-system\/#20e6152b3a11.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Yuriy Nemets, INTERPOL\u2019s Power to Act Preemptively in Fighting Government Abuse<\/em>, 35 (Issue 5) International Enforcement Law Reporter 166 (May 2019).<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Ted Bromund, INTERPOL\u2019s Lack of Power to Act Preemptively in Fighting Government Abuse of the Diffusion System<\/em>, 35 (Issue 6) International Enforcement Law Reporter 227 (June 2019).<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 228.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 227-228.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 228.<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 229.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 228.<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 INTERPOL’s Rules on the Processing of Data art. 12(3), 22, 125(1) 2016, available at https:\/\/www.interpol.int\/Who-we-are\/Legal-framework\/Legal-documents [hereinafter RPD<\/em>]; Nemets, supra<\/em> note 8, at 168-169.<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Bromund, supra<\/em> note 9, at 229.<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 228.<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 229<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Nemets, supra<\/em> note 8, at 167.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Bromund, supra<\/em> note 9, at 228.<\/p>\n

[23]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Id<\/em>. at 228-229.<\/p>\n

[25]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 RPD, supra<\/em> note 17, art. 4(1), 12(3), 22, 125(1); Nemets, supra<\/em> note 8, at 167-168.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 RPD, supra<\/em> note 17, art. 12(3), 22, 125(1); Nemets, supra<\/em> note 8, at 168-169.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Commission for the Control of INTERPOL\u2019s Files is an independent body with the exclusive power to adjudicate complaints from individuals seeking the deletion of information about them from INTERPOL’s files.[2]\u00a0 In its 2017 annual report (its most recent) published this year, the Commission acknowledges that some governments have succeeded in disseminating diffusions against the 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